Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell
There were few more controversial British politicians of the twentieth-century than Enoch Powell. There were few more brilliant, and yet, whilst being an MP for thirty-seven years, his ministerial career lasted a mere fifteen months. His influence however was enormous not least as a harbinger of Thatcherism.
There was much more to him though: he was a Professor of Greek at the age of twenty-five: a brigadier at the age of thirty-two: he was also a poet, biblical scholar and devoted family man.
The word 'definitive' is hackneyed but in describing this biography it can be used legitimately. Not only was Simon Heffer able to interview Enoch Powell he was also given access to Powell's massive private archive.
'In future, anyone who want to study Enoch Powell will start here'. Bruce Anderson, Spectator
First published in 1998, this biography has been out of print for a number of years. Demand for it however remains constant and Faber Finds is happy to meet that demand.
crisis that had put such pressure on the Government’s defence policy came to a head on 13 November 1967, when Wilson and Callaghan decided to devalue the pound by 14 per cent, from $2.80 to $2.40. The decision was announced the next Saturday, 18 November, and the following Tuesday the Commons debated the issue. Tony Crosland, for the Government, used an extract from Powell’s Hanwell speech the previous May to show that the Conservative party had been no more wedded to a fix at $2.80 than Labour.
provinces, but added two new metropolitan districts. Speaking on 25 September, Powell branded the findings ‘an exercise in socialism’, and added that he hoped his party would not touch them with a bargepole. He would be disappointed, for the White Paper would form the basis of the reforms that Heath and his Environment Secretary, Peter Walker, imposed on local government – only they did not take the opportunity of abolishing a tier of government by creating unitary authorities. Powell was angry
values.’ He said that Barber had admitted the problem, and had admitted the severity of the problem: he had, therefore, to do something about it. Powell felt that Barber could act, by warning people to scale down their expectations now. That would not obviate the unfortunate consequences of inflation control, but it would help limit them. He stressed he was talking not about deflation, but about a reduction in the rate of inflation. The money supply problems had been aggravated, he argued, by
code, is not the responsibility we sought; it is a responsibility which parliament gave us because there is no other way of containing inflation in this country’. Powell’s comment on this remark of Heath’s was what took their feud into new territory. ‘One cannot but entertain fears for the mental and emotional stability of a head of government to whom such language can appear rational.’ Of course, Powell observed, the Government was responsible for the powers Parliament conferred on it; and of
money supply. Powell also wanted the Government to stop falsifying the exchange rate by using the reserves to mount ‘rescue’ operations for the pound. He remained insistent that the exchange rate did not matter, provided it was honestly set by market conditions. Powell was once more enjoying himself. Asked by an interviewer that autumn whether he had not committed political suicide, he rejoined, ‘If I have, then I’m an uncommonly lively corpse.’ His sense of achievement was boosted by the